Overview and Statement of Significance

The Battle of Tippermuir is significant as the first victory of Montrose's extraordinary campaign within Scotland on behalf of Charles I. The defeat of the much larger and better equipped Covenanter army was a major boost for Montrose's force and the subsequent spoils from the defeated force and from Perth solved Montrose's immediate supply problems, and without which Montrose may well have struggled to continue his efforts. Their defeat also showed the Covenanter commanders that Montrose's efforts were a serious threat, and that, with much of their total force campaigning outside Scotland, their defences were shockingly deficient against the Royalist force.

The Battle of Tippermuir, also known as the Battle of Tibbermore, or St Johnstone, was fought on 1 September 1644 on a wide expanse of ground approximately three miles west of Perth and close to the modern village of Tibbermore. The battle was the first of the Marquis of Montrose's campaign to seize Scotland from the Covenanters on behalf of King Charles I. Despite the lack of cavalry and artillery, the Royalist forces, primarily composed of Irish and Highlander soldiers, won a decisive victory over the larger, yet less experienced, Covenanter army commanded by Lord Elcho. The Covenanters were quickly routed as the Royalists took advantage of disorder in the enemies ranks caused by an earlier attempt to engage in skirmish activity. The Royalists entered Perth and remained there for several days until heading northwards to Aberdeen.

Inventory Boundary

The Inventory boundary defines the area in which the main events of the battle are considered to have taken place (landscape context) and where associated physical remains and archaeological evidence occur or may be expected (specific qualities). The landscape context is described under battlefield landscape: it encompasses areas of fighting, key movements of troops across the landscape and other important locations, such as the positions of camps or vantage points. Although the landscape has changed since the time of the battle, key characteristics of the terrain at the time of the battle can normally still be identified, enabling events to be more fully understood and interpreted in their landscape context. Specific qualities are described under physical remains and potential: these include landscape features that played a significant role in the battle, other physical remains, such as enclosures or built structures, and areas of known or potential archaeological evidence.

The Inventory boundary for the Battle of Tippermuir is defined on the accompanying map and includes the following areas:

• Old Gallows Road, which survives as a track running along the edge of fields and can be traced through field boundaries, and which likely formed the focus of both the deployments.
• The village of Tibbermore, which is the modern form of Tippermuir, and surrounding area, through which the Royalists advanced to deploy.
• The high ground of the Lamberkine Ridge and West Lamberkine Wood that Montrose took on the Royalist right flank.
• The area around West Lamberkine farm, where much of the fighting occurred and through which Mac Colla and his Irish troops charged and broke through the Covenanter lines.
• The area west of the modern A9 around Glendevon Farm, where the Covenanter army initially deployed.

On 1 September 1644, the Royalist and Covenanter armies deployed on an expanse of relatively flat ground between Perth and the village of Tippermuir (now Tibbermore). The Marquis of Montrose and Alasdair Mac Colla of Clan Donald commanded the Royalist army with Lord Elcho in overall command of the Covenanters. Mac Colla and his 2,000 Irish soldiers deployed in the Royalist centre facing James Murray, Earl of Tullibardine, at the centre of the Covenanter army.

As the Royalists moved within cannon range, Tullibardine sent forward foot and horse under Lord Drummond to engage the Irish in skirmish, possibly attempting to take advantage of the Royalists low supplies of powder and bullets. The Irish skirmishers drove the Covenanters back into their own lines, causing a great deal of confusion and disruption. Montrose then gave the order to charge, with Mac Colla pressing forward his Irish troops to engage the Covenanters. The Royalists broke the Covenanter centre as the first and second ranks lost their composure, possibly because of a lack of training in platoon firing: undisciplined soldiers attempting to withdraw to the rear too quickly may have caused confusion in the rear ranks, leading them to interpret the disorder as the beginnings of a rout. On the right wing, Montrose advanced and took control of the higher ground. As the Covenanters were routed, attempts were made by their cavalry and some of their infantry to regroup and return to the action; however, they were again beaten back and fled in the direction of Perth. A significant number of Covenanters were killed in the pursuit.

The Armies

Covenanters: The Covenanter forces under Lord Elcho seem likely to have been mostly raw recruits, with a small number of veterans amongst them, together with militia units from Fife and Perth assembled by Elcho, and 800 men raised by the Earl of Tulliebardine. As well as having a body of horse, the Covenanters also had the advantage of artillery with as many as 'nine pieces of cannon' present on the day (Menteith 1735).

Royalist: The bulk of Montrose's forces at Tippermuir were his Irish troops, which made up roughly two thirds of his force. In addition there were the men from the Highland and Lowland clans recently recruited by Montrose. The Royalist army had no cavalry or artillery.

Numbers

Covenanters: The Covenanter forces under Lord Elcho seem likely to have been mostly raw recruits, with a small number of veterans amongst them, together with militia units from Fife and Perth assembled by Elcho, and 800 men raised by the Earl of Tulliebardine. As well as having a body of horse, the Covenanters also had the advantage of artillery with as many as 'nine pieces of cannon' present on the day (Menteith 1735).

Royalist: The bulk of Montrose's forces at Tippermuir were his Irish troops, which made up roughly two thirds of his force. In addition there were the men from the Highland and Lowland clans recently recruited by Montrose. The Royalist army had no cavalry or artillery.

Losses

Covenanters: The Covenanter forces under Lord Elcho seem likely to have been mostly raw recruits, with a small number of veterans amongst them, together with militia units from Fife and Perth assembled by Elcho, and 800 men raised by the Earl of Tulliebardine. As well as having a body of horse, the Covenanters also had the advantage of artillery with as many as 'nine pieces of cannon' present on the day (Menteith 1735).

Royalist: The bulk of Montrose's forces at Tippermuir were his Irish troops, which made up roughly two thirds of his force. In addition there were the men from the Highland and Lowland clans recently recruited by Montrose. The Royalist army had no cavalry or artillery.

Action

The Royalist and Covenanter forces deployed their armies on an expanse of relatively flat ground situated between Perth and the village of Tibbermore. The Royalists, facing eastwards towards the city of Perth, were arranged with Montrose and his Atholl men on the right wing; Lord Kilpont and his retainers on the left; and Mac Colla commanding the centre with his 2,000 Irish soldiers. Within the Covenanting army, the less experienced Lord Elcho opted to command the right wing, with Sir James Scott of Rossie taking the left wing and James Murray, Earl of Tulliebardine, taking the centre.

As the Royalists moved within cannon range, Tulliebardine initiated the battle by moving a body of foot and horse forward under Lord Drummond. This was to precede the main attack by engaging the Irish in skirmish, possibly in an attempt to take advantage of their low supplies of powder and bullets. It was, however, unsuccessful as it was met by an energetic counterattack by Irish skirmishers who managed to quickly dispatch the small detachment of Covenanters, forcing them to withdraw to the main body of their army in confusion.

Taking advantage of the apparent disorder in the Covenanter ranks, Montrose gave the order to charge, with Mac Colla pressing forward his Irish to engage the Covenanters in the centre. As Ruthven describes, the Royalist soldiers used their muskets to great affect having played upon the Covenanter horse and foot with 'hotte alarums and continuall fyre' in their initial attack. Wishart's account of the battle positions the Royalists as out of range of the Covenanter artillery before they charged, placing them some distance from the frontline. However, considering their apparent shortage of powder and arms, it is almost certain they would have attempted to gain enough ground to fire at close range and maintain the momentum of their attack. Despite the deployment of both horse and foot, the Royalists were successful in breaking the Covenanter centre as the first and second ranks lost their composure. Reid (1990) suggests that the failure of the Covenanter musketeers to hold the line was due to a lack of training in platoon firing. At Tippermuir, therefore, it is possible that the disarray in the Covenanter ranks was partly due to undisciplined soldiers attempting to withdraw to the rear too quickly, causing confusion in the rear ranks who may have interpreted the disorder as the beginnings of a rout.

On the right wing, Montrose and Rossie raced to take advantage of the higher ground, which Montrose managed to win with his Atholl men, who, according to Ruthven, 'descended courageously, first, with muskets, them with shoure of stones for want of more offensive armes'. As the Covenanters were routed, attempts were made by their Cavalry and some of their infantry to regroup and return to the action; however, they were again beaten back and fled in the direction of Perth. A significant number of Covenanters were killed in the pursuit.

Aftermath & Consequences

The Battle of Tippermuir was the first victory of Montrose's campaign in Scotland; however, the actual battle achieved little in terms of overall strategy. Although the occupation of Perth allowed Montrose to replenish his army with much needed supplies and ammunition, he was unable to maintain the strength of his forces, as many of his Highlanders returned home content with their plunder. With the army of the Marquis of Argyll approaching from the west, Montrose decided to head north to Aberdeenshire and the familiar environment of his homeland. On his way, he fought another battle outside Aberdeen on 13 September at Justice Mills, after which the town was brutally ransacked.

One significant outcome of the battle perhaps was that it served to shake the confidence of the Covenanting forces. With much of their army in England and Ireland, this defeat came as a shocking realisation of how unprepared the Covenanting forces left to defend Scotland were.

The Battle of Tippermuir was the opening battle of Montrose's campaign for Charles I against the Covenanter armies of the Scottish Parliament. It was the first time that Montrose fought alongside his Irish ally Alistair Mac Colla. Their partnership was to result in a string of victories in 1644 and 1645 that left Montrose essentially in control of Scotland, with the Covenanter lords having to flee to England to escape him. The victory at Tippermuir provided new supplies of powder and shot, of which Montrose previously had serious shortages, and also provided him with cannon.

James Graham was the fifth Earl of Montrose and the first Marquis of Montrose. He was the chief of Clan Graham. Montrose had been a supporter and signatory of the National Covenant in 1638, but had then become a Royalist, although he was driven by motives other than a desire to impose the Divine Right of Kings upon Scotland. He and Archibald Campbell, the eighth Earl of Argyll, were bitter rivals, and Montrose believed that the Covenant had become nothing more than a vehicle for Argyll's ambition. Always a moderate among the Covenanters, Montrose considered that the agreement in 1641 with Charles that had removed episcopacy from Scotland had fulfilled the demands of the Covenant and that to continue in opposition to him would be breaking that agreement. Following the signing of the Solemn League and Covenant in September 1643, Montrose presented himself to Charles I service at his headquarters in Oxford. On behalf of the King, he then fought a campaign intended to draw Covenanter forces away from supporting the Parliamentarians in England, and in this it was a success. Montrose fought a series of seven battles against Covenanter armies across the Highlands in 1644 and 1645, beginning with Tippermuir and ending at Philiphaugh, where he suffered his only defeat He attempted to do the same on behalf of Charles II in 1650, but on this occasion fought only a single battle at Carbisdale. After his defeat there, he was captured and brought to Edinburgh for trial. On 21 May 1650, he was hanged and then beheaded. His head was fixed to a spike on Edinburgh's Tollbooth, his body quartered, and his limbs were displayed in Stirling, Glasgow, Perth and Aberdeen. Following the Restoration of Charles II as king in 1660, Montrose's remains were collected together once more and were interred in the High Kirk of St Giles in Edinburgh in May 1661.

Alasdair Mac Colla was the son of Coll 'Colkitto' MacDonald. He is widely credited with the creation of the 'Highland Charge', a tactic used with such devastating effect by Highlanders throughout the subsequent century, although some of the credit should likely also go to his compatriot Manus O' Cahan. He had fled to Ireland in 1638 to escape Campbell depredations in MacDonald territory within Scotland, and he fought for the MacDonnell Earl of Antrim in the Irish Rebellion of 1641. In 1644, he was dispatched to Scotland with between 1500 and 2000 Ulster and MacDonald troops to support Royalist efforts there, and to attempt to draw Covenanter forces out of Ireland and relieve pressure on the Irish Confederacy. Mac Colla gladly accepted the task, as Archibald Campbell, the 8th Earl of Argyll, was not only the leading Covenanter in Scotland, he was also the clan chief of the Campbells, giving Mac Colla a chance to strike back against his hated foe. He landed in Argyll lands in July, immediately seizing the castle at Mingary. He continued to build his support in the north-west until he finally moved to Blair Atholl, where he joined his forces with Montrose at the end of August. This was the beginning of an immensely successful partnership, with Mac Colla present at the Royalist victories at Tippermuir, Aberdeen, Inverlochy, Auldearn and Kilsyth. However, Mac Colla's focus remained in his homelands in the north-west, so when Montrose moved south towards England, Mac Colla dispatched Manus O' Cahan with 700 of the Irish troops to go with Montrose while he returned to the north-west. After Montrose's defeat at Philiphaugh, Mac Colla continued to fight against the Campbells and the Covenanters in Scotland, with particular brutality displayed to any Campbells he encountered, until a concerted effort to defeat him in 1647 forced him to withdraw back to Ireland in May 1647. Later that year Mac Colla was serving in the Confederate Army of Munster when he was captured and shot at the Battle of Knocknanuss on 13 November.

David Wemyss, Lord Elcho was an inexperienced commander, certainly no match for the combined skill of Montrose and Mac Colla. He left most of the decision-making to Lord James Murray, Earl of Tullibardine, and Sir James Scott of Rossie. Tullibardine was Colonel of the Perthshire Foot and had fought in the Siege of Newcastle during the Bishops' Wars, while Rossie was a veteran soldier and had fought for the Venetian Republic in his youth.

Context

In 1638 the National Covenant was signed by many in Scotland, pledging opposition to the reforms proposed by Charles I, the King of the two separate nations of England and Scotland. Amongst other proposals Charles wanted to replace the democratic Presbyterian system with a hierarchy of bishops and create a church modelled on High Anglican lines, and to finance his reforms by re-possessing the former land holdings of the Catholic Church which had been sold on at the Reformation and now formed the basis of many landowners' status and wealth. In 1639 and 1640 Charles was defeated in the two Bishop's Wars. Desperately short of finance, Charles was forced to recall the English Parliament, the so-called Long Parliament, and they reached a peace with the Covenanters in the Treaty of London in 1641. However, Charles and the English Parliament remained at odds over who should control the army, and the first English Civil War began in 1642. Initially the Royalists and the Parliamentarians were relatively evenly matched, and the Parliamentarians opened negotiations with the Covenanters for their assistance in breaking the deadlock. In 1643, under the terms of the Solemn League and Covenant, the Covenanter government of Scotland allied itself with the English Parliament and entered the war in England in early 1644, marking a major turning point in the war. Charles attempted unsuccessfully to foment rebellion in Scotland and the Scottish army went on to make a major impact in the campaign for the north of England. Following crushing defeat at Marston Moor on 2 July 1644 the King tried again, appointing James Graham, the 5th Earl of Montrose, as his military commander in Scotland. Montrose had been part of the abortive rebellion and was a former Covenanter himself who had joined the King in 1643. On 28 August 1644, Montrose raised the royal standard and embarked on a campaign against the Covenanter forces in the Highlands (Reid 2003).

In the next two years, Montrose, with forces which changed constantly in size and composition, won a series of victories over the Covenanters under a number of different commanders, including: Tippermuir (1 September 1644), Aberdeen (13 September 1644), Inverlochy (2 February 1645), Auldearn (9 May 1645), Alford (2 July 1645) and Kilsyth (16 August 1645) and was elevated to 1st Marquis of Montrose by Charles as reward. However, he was defeated at Philiphaugh near Selkirk on 13 September 1645 by much superior Covenanter forces commanded by Lieutenant-General David Leslie. He endeavoured to carry on his campaign in the North-East, and also tried to threaten Glasgow, but lack of co-operation and poor relations between the leading Royalist commanders meant that they achieved little success and Montrose's campaign petered out in early May when his forces besieging Inverness were taken by surprise by Major-General Middleton's advance and fled without a fight. Although Huntly, another Royalist commander, stormed Aberdeen on 14 May, a few weeks later Charles, who had surrendered at Newark on 5 May, ordered his forces in Scotland to lay down their arms. Although Montrose was reluctant to do so, he finally disbanded his forces at Rattray on 30 July after agreeing terms with Middleton and then fled abroad (Reid 2003).

Contemporary accounts of the battle agree that the Covenanter forces had drawn up their army three miles from Perth on an open expanse of ground in close proximity to the village of Tibbermore. The Royalist army, having marched from their camp at Atholl, arrived from the north and moved to deploy to the west f the Covenanter force. The primary road leading westwards from Perth on to the moor was the Old Gallows Road, as featured on Moll's 1732 map and Roy's 1757 map, which passed south of Tibbermore. As a main communication route from Perth, it is likely that the Covenanters would have deployed in its vicinity. Phillipou and Hands suggest a deployment entirely south of the Old Gallows Road, stretching between it and the Lamberkine Ridge. However, this places the Royalist essentially on the high ground of Lamberkine at the start of the battle, which negates the necessity of the described race between Montrose's and Rossie's men to gain this area first. However, they could very well have been deployed within close proximity of this ultimate destination, allowing them to outpace Rossie's cavalry to the high ground. This final position of the Royalist right wing on the high ground is mentioned within an account of the battle written by Menteith, who describes the rising ground as having upon it, 'some Ruins of Houses' (Menteith 1735, 173). This may refer to several small farms or hamlets which appear on Roy's map of 1757, including West Lamberkine, Mid West Lamberkine and East Lamberkine.

The area of the battlefield comprises primarily enclosed arable land, with little to no impact from suburban development despite its close proximity to Perth. Agricultural development appears to have made the most significant landscape change in the area, with the cutting of drainage ditches that follow the line of several field enclosures. Apart from a small area of quarrying south of Huntingtower, no industrial activity, such as mining, appears to have impacted the landscape. There is an area of forestry called West Lamberkine Wood, which also appears on Roy's map as a neat rectangular feature. A line of small scale pylons crosses the moor close to West Lamberkine in a south-west to north-east orientation.

Location

The Old Statistical Account of the Parish of Tibbermore locates the field of battle, 'perhaps as much, if not more, within the parish of Abergalgy, which at this place approaches very near the church of Tibbermuir' (Inglis 1791, 649).

Terrain

The terrain of the battlefield is described by Wishart as a 'broad open plain', taking its name from the village of Tibbermore, the largest settlement in the surrounding area. The village of Tibbermore is situated on relatively flat ground, especially to the north and west, but is bounded to the east and south by rising ground. In the direction of Perth, this ridge of ground rises gently from 45m to 80m beyond the River Pow. On the southern slope, the ground rises steeply from 45m to 110m towards West and East Lamberkine, where it gradually flattens out. Contemporary accounts of the battle acknowledge Montrose's attempts on the right wing to take advantage of an area of higher ground before it was reached by the Covenanter left wing. This may therefore refer to the rising ground to the south of Tibbermore which crests at the farm of West Lamberkine.

The earliest map depicting the landscape of the area in any detail, including land use, is Roy's Military Map of 1747-1754. Roy shows an extensive area of land surrounding the 'Kirk of Tippermuir' to be primarily unenclosed agricultural land, illustrated by plots of rig and furrow, and peppered with small farmsteads and hamlets. This area continues to be used as agricultural land becoming fully enclosed by the late eighteenth century along with the excavation of drainage ditches. Many of the farmsteads and hamlets remain unchanged in the present landscape, with only minimal expansion.

The Old Gallows Road, potentially an important feature of the battlefield landscape, becomes increasingly fragmentary from the mid-nineteenth century onwards. Recent OS maps shows the road terminating at Gateside at the junction of a north-south orientated B class road, resuming again at the junction of the A9 close to Glen Devon Farm. The missing section of road running north of West Lamberkine has now been incorporated within field enclosures and what appear to be drainage ditches. However, the line of the road may still be followed with some existing sections still visible on aerial images.

Condition

The area of the battlefield is composed primarily of enclosed arable land, with little to no impact from suburban development despite its close proximity to Perth. Agricultural development appears to have made the most significant landscape change in the area, with the cutting of drainage ditches that follow the line of several field enclosures.

Apart from a small area of quarrying south of Huntingtower, no industrial activity, such as mining, appears to have impacted the landscape. There is an area of forestry called West Lamberkine Wood, which also appears on Roy's map as a neat rectangular feature.

A line of small scale pylons crosses the moor close to West Lamberkine in a south-west to north-east orientation.

There appear to be no references in contemporary accounts to any construction of defensive structures or modification of features such as hedges or field banks during the battle. Physical remains of the Covenanter camp may have survived into the early nineteenth century as suggested by an entry in the New Statistical Account of 1845 for the Parish of Tibbermore, which states that, 'traces of this encampment are still in some places distinctly visible' (Tulloch 1845, 1030). The Statistical Account also refers to artefacts recovered from the battlefield, saying that it was, 'no uncommon thing for those engaged in trenching the ground in the neighbourhood to find gun bullets, broken spears, and many other memorials for this disastrous battle' (Tulloch 1845, 1031).

One feature that may have played an important role in the landscape, and still exists in the present landscape, is the Old Gallows Road. This road, situated just south of Tibbermore, is present on Roy's 1747 map and appears to represent the main route westwards from Perth. As the main access route to and from Perth the road is likely to have played an important role in the battle, as it would have been essential for the movement of troops, artillery and supplies. Furthermore, as the defence of Perth was a strategic objective of the Covenanter army, they may have felt it necessary to protect the route way by placing their army across it. Only small sections of the road survive between Gateside in the west, and Glendevon Farm in the east, as much of it has been incorporated into field enclosures and drainage ditches.

There is no physical monument or memorial associated with the Battle of Tippermuir. It also does not appear to have been commemorated or referenced in song or verse.

The presence of the battle is marked at (NO069232) on the Ordnance Survey with crossed swords and the date 1644.

Commemoration & Interpretation

No further information.

Cowan, E. J. 1977. Montrose: For Covenant and King. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.

Reid, S. 1990. The Campaigns of Montrose: a military history of the Civil War in Scotland, 1639-1646. Edinburgh: Mercat Press.

Ruthven, Patrick Gordon. A Short Abridgement of Britane's Distemper, from the yeare of God MDCXXXIX to MDCXLIX.

Wishart, G. 1647 The Memoirs of James, Marquis of Montrose 1639 ' 1650.

Information on Sources & Publication

George Wishart, Bishop of Edinburgh, was the private chaplain and biographer to Montrose. His history of Montrose's campaign in Scotland is ultimately biased and lacking detail in areas, particularly in relation to military events. However, owing to his close relationship with Montrose and his presence throughout the campaign, he is regarded as an important source.

Patrick Gordon of Ruthven was motivated to write his history after the publication of Wishart's in 1647, believing it to portray his kinsman, the 2nd Marquess of Huntly, in an unfairly harsh light (Stevenson 2011). However, rather than producing a biased version of the campaign Ruthven succeeded in writing a balanced and informative history, gathering information from veterans of the battle, including the commanders Montrose and Mac Colla. There appears to be no recognisable contemporary sources relating to the Covenanters.

Primary Sources

Wishart, G. 1647 The Memoirs of James, Marquis of Montrose 1639 ' 1650.

Ruthven, Patrick Gordon. A Short Abridgement of Britane's Distemper, from the yeare of God M.DC.XXXIX.to M.DC.XLIX.

Cartographic & Illustrative Sources

No further information.

Secondary Sources

Cowan, E. J. 1977. Montrose: For Covenant and King. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson

Furgol, E. M. 1990. A Regimental History of the Covenanting Armies 1639 ' 1651. Edinburgh: John Donald

Gardiner, S. R. 1886-1891. The History of the Great Civil War, 1642 ' 1649. London: Longmans

Gentles, I.J. 2007 The English Revolution and the Wars of the Three Kingdomes 1638 ' 1652. Harlow: Pearson/Longman

Kenyon, J and Ohlemeyer, J. 1998 The Civil Wars: Military History of England, Scotland and Ireland 1638 ' 1660. Oxford University Press.

Menteith, R. 1739 The history of the troubles of Great Britain: Containing a particular account of the most remarkable passages in Scotland from the year 1633 to 1650. With an exact relation of the wars carried on, and the battles fought by that great hero the Marquis of Montrose. (Translated into English by Captain James Olgivie)

Phillipou, P., Hands, R. 2009, Battleground Perthshire: Two Thousand Years of Battles, Encounters and Skirmishes. Perth: Tippermuir Books

Reid, S.1990. The Campaigns of Montrose: a military history of the Civil War in Scotland, 1639-1646. Edinburgh: Mercat Press

Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland canmore.rcahms.gov.uk/en/site/26863/details/battle+of+tibbermore/

The Statistical Accounts of Scotland 1791 ' 1845

Inglis, J. 1798 Number XLIV: The Parish of Tibbermore, pp. 613 ' 650

Tulloch, W. 1845 The Parish of Tibbermore, pp. 1028 - 1038