Overview and Statement of Significance

Philiphaugh is significant as it is the final battle of the Marquis of Montrose's Royalist campaign in 1644 and 1645, and was the only defeat he suffered during it. Philiphaugh effectively destroys Montrose's army and essentially ends any organised Royalist ambitions north of the border.

Philiphaugh was a major defeat for the Scottish Royalist army in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms and signalled the end of the Marquis of Montrose's campaign in Scotland. Montrose had raised the royal standard in Scotland in 1644, in an attempt to secure the country for the king by force of arms. He had won a string of six victories and had crippled the ability of the Covenanters (Scottish Presbyterians opposed to interference by the Stuart Kings in the affairs of the Church of Scotland) to counter him. However, by September his attempts to raise sufficient Lowland forces, or maintain the numbers of his existing troops to sustain his campaign, had failed.

After the crushing defeat at Kilsyth (15 August 1645) no effective Covenanter army remained in Scotland. Consequently, thousands of experienced troops were recalled by the Scottish Government from England and marched north to meet Montrose's depleted Royalists troops positioned in the Borders. The ill-prepared and out numbered Royalists were quickly defeated by the Government troops at Philiphaugh and the captured soldiers, their families and servants were swiftly executed within a short distance of the battlefield. The Royalist defeat signalled the end of Montrose's campaign in Scotland and effectively marked the end of the Civil War in Scotland. The victory of the Covenanters was secured the following year with the surrender of King Charles to a Covenanter army in England.

Inventory Boundary

The Inventory boundary defines the area in which the main events of the battle are considered to have taken place (landscape context) and where associated physical remains and archaeological evidence occur or may be expected (specific qualities). The landscape context is described under battlefield landscape: it encompasses areas of fighting, key movements of troops across the landscape and other important locations, such as the positions of camps or vantage points. Although the landscape has changed since the time of the battle, key characteristics of the terrain at the time of the battle can normally still be identified, enabling events to be more fully understood and interpreted in their landscape context. Specific qualities are described under physical remains and potential: these include landscape features that played a significant role in the battle, other physical remains, such as enclosures or built structures, and areas of known or potential archaeological evidence.

The Inventory boundary for the Battle of Philiphaugh is defined on the accompanying map and includes the following areas:

• The modern A708 and lands to the north and south from the outskirts of Selkirk to Philiphaugh. The approach route of the Covenanters army and their advance on to the Royalist camp located in woodland beyond Philiphaugh.
• The area of enclosures at Philiphaugh as shown on Roy's 18th century map. Primary sources indicate that the main battle took place within enclosed ground on the haugh.
• Military findspots including Slain Men's Lea where burials were discovered in the 19th century and find-spots including silver plate, coins and bullets located throughout the defined area.
• Harewood Glen to Newark Castle. The probable route westward of the rout. Secondary sources indicate that the camp followers were taken to the castle prior to being slaughtered at Slain Men's Lea.
• The Covenanters Monument and earthworks at Harehead Wood. The Ballad of Philiphaugh states that the battle ended at Harehead Wood. The monument was erected in the woods in 1848 overlying an earthwork traditionally associated with the battle.
• The area to the south of the Ettrick Water. The probable route of the flank attack by the Covenanters.
• The well preserved landscape of the battleground including the riverside land on the northern banks of the Ettrick Water, the route of the Royalist rout to the west and the hill slopes to the north.

At Philiphaugh, Montrose's army was at an even greater disadvantage of numbers than in the other battles of the campaign. With probably less than 2,000 troops, he was heavily outnumbered by the Covenanter army of at least 4,000, under the command of David Leslie. Furthermore, he had little idea of the approaching threat. On the night before the battle, he had his officers billeted in Selkirk, while the body of the army was over a mile away camped in woodland. The alarm was only raised when Leslie was less than 2 miles from Selkirk.

It appears that on the battlefield Montrose, as always, made good use of the opportunities offered by the terrain. However, his army was completely unprepared for the Government attack and many of his troops seem never to have been drawn up or engaged. His forces made good use of ditches and dykes to counter the massive superiority of the Covenanters in cavalry, but the advantage of ground was insufficient to enable them to hold off the sustained attack of Leslie's experienced troops. Leslie's cavalry came across the haugh, the flat ground beside the river, and assaulted the right wing of the Royalists. They were driven back twice before the Royalist infantry advanced from their defensive position, but they were quickly driven back in turn. The Royalist cavalry tried a counter-charge, but they were unable to reach the Government cavalry and instead broke through the rearguard and left the infantry to their fate. There are accounts of Montrose trying to break through to assist the beleaguered Irish regiment, but was unable to do so and made his escape. As the right flank was holding firm through the support of the remainder of the Royalist cavalry, Leslie led another cavalry charge on the left flank where there was no cavalry, and quickly broke through. This effectively ended the battle, although the Irish regiment stood and fought to the end. Eventually they surrendered having been offered quarter; however, as they were being marched away, they were all killed. Some of the routed Royalist forces were pursued for several miles, but the main focus was the baggage train which was looted, with the camp followers that were with it being slaughtered. While Montrose had escaped with some of his cavalry intact, his army had ceased to exist and he was never again able to rally any substantial support in Scotland.

The Armies

Montrose may have had little more than 500 infantry, though these were his highly experienced Irish troops, and just over 1,000 cavalry, most of whom were inexperienced new recruits. They faced a Covenanter army of mainly cavalry, comprising about 4,000 troops. The Covenanter force not only outnumbered the Royalists, but it comprised a large proportion of seasoned troops. Like their highly experienced and capable commander, David Leslie, many had seen service in the war in England and had fought in several major actions, most notably Marston Moor. Reid's figures are likely to be the most accurate as he has worked from unusually detailed and accurate information on the Covenanter regiments present and their strengths, thanks to detailed pay records (Reid 1990).

Numbers

Royalist: Most accounts accept figures of 500 Irish foot, with some raw recruits and around 1,000 cavalry. A different picture was given at the time, with a claim that Montrose had 2,000 foot and 800-1,000 horse, although this comes from a hagiographic account of Leslie's actions and may not be entirely unbiased (Thompson 1645).

Covenanter: Reid's tally for the Covenanter army is 700 foot, 400 dragoons, 2940 horse in 6 regiments (Reid 1990). Earlier accounts suggest higher numbers for Leslie's force, but these are less likely to be accurate than the information from the pay records.

Losses

Though Covenanter accounts suggest less than 20 foot and about 200 Royalist horse escaped, Royalist reports indicate that perhaps as many as 250 later rejoined Montrose at Peebles that night (Wishart 1720). Although Montrose and some of his foot and horse had escaped, his army was effectively destroyed, with at least half of the experienced Irish troops either killed in the action or murdered after they had surrendered (Thompson 1645). Covenanter losses were extremely light, amounting to less than 30.

Action

In the night, Leslie sent out parties to fall onto the Royalist quarters, with the main skirmish said to have been at Sunderland. Though several Royalists escaped to Selkirk, their report of Leslie's army being at hand was dismissed. Leslie's forces spent the night in a deep wooded valley, suggested by the Philiphaugh Ballad as in the area of Linglie Burn, or perhaps further north-east towards Minglie Hill (Brander & Macgregor, 1975; Gordon & Dunn, 1844). In the morning, when the Royalist scouts were sent out they still failed to locate the Covenanter army. Early morning mist may provide a partial justification, but this was another fundamental failing on the Royalist side.

Another serious tactical mistake by Montrose was to quarter many of his officers and some of his cavalry in Selkirk that night, while his infantry camped in a 'neighbouring wood', apparently beyond Philiphaugh (Wishart 1720). Thus, the officers were more than a mile away, across the river. As a result, the next morning many officers failed to get to their units before the action began (Gordon & Dunn, 1844). According to local tradition, recorded in a house name in the late 19th century, Montrose himself stayed in a house close to the West Port of Selkirk (Robson 1897).

The rendezvous for the Royalists the next morning was at Philiphaugh. However, shrouded in mist, the Covenanter forces advanced towards them and the alarm was not raised until they were within a mile. Montrose rushed to his army from Selkirk but when he arrived he found his forces at the rendezvous point in disorder and, in the absence of many officers, he had difficulty deploying all his troops effectively. Indeed, many of the inexperienced Royalist cavalry never came into the action.

Montrose had at least deployed in a very advantageous position:

'on one hand an unpassable ditch, and on the other Dikes and Hedges, and where these were not strong enough, they further fortified them by casting up ditches, and lined their Hedges with Musketeers.' (W.H. and Balsome, 1645).

In front of the army was a 'ditch' (Gordon and Dunn, 1844). The Irish infantry were on the left and the cavalry, perhaps as few as 200 troopers, deployed on the right wing (Wishart, 1720).

The Covenanter forces advanced directly across the haugh, a low lying alluvial area beside a river. Some 400 or more cavalry charged Montrose's right wing and were twice repulsed with heavy losses. Royalist musketeers then, inexplicably, advanced from the enclosures but were driven back. The Royalist cavalry counter-attacked but, having crossed the ditch, they could not turn left, where the greatest strength of the Covenanter horse were deployed, so they had to continue on and break through the rear divisions and then ride off away from the field, unable to play a further part in the action. Still unable to break the few remaining Royalist horse, Leslie himself led forward an attack on the left flank of the Royal forces, where there were no cavalry, and here he broke through. In the meantime, the party of some 2,000 Covenanter horse sent across the river had outflanked Montrose and, crossing back, attacked the flank and rear of the remaining 50 or so rebel cavalry. The Philiphaugh Ballad suggests a detachment of Leslie's army marched around to the north to attack from the hills. Assailed on all sides, the horse now retreated and fled. The infantry, however, could not withdraw, presumably because they dared not abandon the security of the enclosures for the open ground to the west, and so some of them stood and fought a little longer, but finally surrendered (Black 1936; Wishart 1720).

Some Covenanter cavalry pursued the fleeing cavalry, but for no more than a mile, and then returned to plunder the baggage. Meanwhile, the rest fell upon the infantry, killing 250 with 50 surrendering, who were then executed 'by the way at Lithgoe'. Non-combatants with the baggage train were also killed (Gordon & Dunn, 1844).

The initial deployment and action began around 10 am and took up to an hour, while the main action lasted another hour. Reid remarks upon the length of the battle, suggesting it unusual given the disparity of numbers and may indicate that other battles were somewhat longer than has previously been believed. However, this action was largely one of a cavalry assault against infantry that were securely deployed in enclosures. This meant that the cavalry were at a severe disadvantage of terrain despite numerical superiority, and this may explain why the battle lasted far longer than the disparity of numbers would lead one to expect.

Aftermath & Consequences

With the report in Wishart that 250 cavalry were able to reach Peebles and re-join Montrose on the night after the battle, there has been an argument that the defeat at Philiphaugh did not succeed in completely destroying Montrose's army. However, even if he did manage to salvage the core of an army about which he could potentially recruit a new force, the defeat had shattered his aura of invincibility. This was perhaps more than anything else the most important outcome of the battle. After Philiphaugh, he found it impossible to build another army capable of challenging the Covenanters in open battle; all he could do was to maintain a guerrilla war through the winter. Hence, Philiphaugh was thus the decisive battle of the Montrose Campaign in Scotland, and marked the end of any slight chance that Charles I still had, in the autumn of 1645, of salvaging something by force of arms in the Civil War anywhere in his three kingdoms.

The Battle of Philiphaugh was the end of Royalist hopes in Scotland in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. Montrose was outnumbered as he always was, and, as so often in the past, had insufficient intelligence of the approach of the Government army. His officers were not with their men, and as Leslie's army approached the Royalists were in some confusion. The battle ended in defeat for Montrose, the first that he had suffered, and it was enough to end the campaign. Montrose escaped the battlefield and carried on guerrilla actions during the winter, but he was unable to gather a new army to continue the campaign. Furthermore, the backbone of his army had always been the Irish O'Cahan's Regiment, and it was destroyed in the battle. Those not killed on the field were taken prisoner and subsequently murdered.

After the success of Kilsyth, Montrose intended to recruit for his army before attempting to complete his military control in Scotland. However, his Highland troops were disaffected when their plundering of Glasgow was heavily punished, and within a few days, many had deserted. Aboyne also left with most of the cavalry when Montrose appointed the Earl of Crawford as commander of the horse, while some 800 were sent north to protect their lands, reducing the army to little more than the 500 Irish troops and a few hundred cavalry. Marching east through the Lowlands, he was unable to raise significant numbers of new recruits. Not only was much of the area strongly Covenanter, the Highland and Irish troops were unwelcome in the region because of the long trail of plundering and disorder that they had wreaked across Scotland over the preceding year.

Montrose marched into the Borders to disrupt the mustering of the Covenanter levies and then, turning south from Kelso to Jedburgh and then west to Selkirk, he camped on 12 September at Philiphaugh. However, he suffered from poor intelligence from his scouts, for he was unaware that on 6 September Sir David Leslie had marched north from England with a large army. On 11 September, Leslie had rendezvoused with Lothian forces at Gladsmuir to the west of Haddington. Then, on hearing the small size of Montrose's army, he marched south to engage the Royalists while they were at their weakest, approaching Selkirk on the night of 12 September.

James Graham was the fifth Earl of Montrose and the first Marquis of Montrose. He was the chief of Clan Graham. Montrose had been a supporter and signatory of the National Covenant in 1638, but had then become a Royalist, although he was driven by motives other than a desire to impose the Divine Right of Kings upon Scotland. He and Archibald Campbell, the eighth Earl of Argyll, were bitter rivals, and Montrose believed that the Covenant had become nothing more than a vehicle for Argyll's ambition. Always a moderate among the Covenanters, Montrose considered that the agreement in 1641 with Charles that had removed episcopacy from Scotland had fulfilled the demands of the Covenant and that to continue in opposition to him would be breaking that agreement. Following the signing of the Solemn League and Covenant in September 1643, Montrose presented himself to Charles I service at his headquarters in Oxford. On behalf of the King, he then fought a campaign intended to draw Covenanter forces away from supporting the Parliamentarians in England, and in this it was a success. Montrose fought a series of seven battles against Covenanter armies across the Highlands in 1644 and 1645, beginning with Tippermuir and ending at Philiphaugh, where he suffered his only defeat He attempted to do the same on behalf of Charles II in 1650, but on this occasion fought only a single battle at Carbisdale. After his defeat there, he was captured and brought to Edinburgh for trial. On 21 May 1650, he was hanged and then beheaded. His head was fixed to a spike on Edinburgh's Tollbooth, his body quartered, and his limbs were displayed in Stirling, Glasgow, Perth and Aberdeen. Following the Restoration of Charles II as king in 1660, Montrose's remains were collected together once more and were interred in the High Kirk of St Giles in Edinburgh in May 1661.

Manus O'Cahan was the colonel of the Irish regiment that fought in all of Montrose's battles and which was the backbone of all his victories. He was a cousin of Mac Colla, and came over from Ireland with him. He and his regiment were sent to Scotland to ease pressure on the Irish Confederacy, who were fighting Scottish Covenanters and English Parliamentarians in Ireland. As Mac Colla had a recruiting role for the Royalist cause throughout 1644-5, he was occasionally absent in the west seeking fresh troops, but O'Cahan remained with Montrose throughout and was with Montrose for the Battle of Philiphaugh. He was captured after the defeat, his men were executed and he was taken to Edinburgh where he was hanged without trial. He was responsible for the invention of the Highland charge along with Mac Colla, although it is Mac Colla who is generally given sole credit.

Major-General David Leslie, born in 1601, was a very capable and experienced commander who began his military career fighting for Gustavus Adolphus in the Thirty Years War, where he rose to the rank of Colonel. After his return to Scotland in 1640, he was second in command as Major-General of the Scottish armies that were sent to help the English Parliamentarians in 1644; it was the despatch of Leslie and his troops that acted as the spark for Montrose's raising of the Royal Standard in Scotland. He was recalled to Scotland in 1645 to deal with Montrose, which he achieved in a single battle at Philiphaugh, before returning to the war in England in 1646. Later that year, it was Leslie who received Charles I surrender at Newark. He returned to Scotland in 1647, where he helped Argyll against Alasdair Mac Colla, Montrose's former ally, finally forcing Mac Colla to withdraw to Ireland. With the Scot's support for Charles II in 1650 after his father's execution, Leslie again found himself in command of the Scottish army against his former ally Oliver Cromwell. He successfully frustrated Cromwell throughout the summer of 1650 until he finally faced him in battle at Dunbar, where Cromwell inflicted a crushing defeat on the Scots force. Leslie opposed Charles II decision to invade England in 1651, and played little part in the Battle of Worcester, where the Scottish army was again defeated, and Leslie was captured and imprisoned in the Tower of London until the Restoration in 1660. In 1661, in recognition of his earlier service to the Royalist cause, Charles II made Leslie the first Baron Newark. Leslie finally died in 1682.

Context

In 1638 the National Covenant was signed by many in Scotland, pledging opposition to the reforms proposed by Charles I, the King of the two separate nations of England and Scotland. Amongst other proposals Charles wanted to replace the democratic Presbyterian system with a hierarchy of bishops and create a church modelled on High Anglican lines, and to finance his reforms by re-possessing the former land holdings of the Catholic Church which had been sold on at the Reformation and now formed the basis of many landowners' status and wealth. In 1639 and 1640 Charles was defeated in the two Bishop's Wars. Desperately short of finance, Charles was forced to recall the English Parliament, the so-called Long Parliament, and they reached a peace with the Covenanters in the Treaty of London in 1641. However, Charles and the English Parliament remained at odds over who should control the army, and the first English Civil War began in 1642. Initially the Royalists and the Parliamentarians were relatively evenly matched, and the Parliamentarians opened negotiations with the Covenanters for their assistance in breaking the deadlock. In 1643, under the terms of the Solemn League and Covenant, the Covenanter government of Scotland allied itself with the English Parliament and entered the war in England in early 1644, marking a major turning point in the war. Charles attempted unsuccessfully to foment rebellion in Scotland and the Scottish army went on to make a major impact in the campaign for the north of England. Following crushing defeat at Marston Moor on 2 July 1644 the King tried again, appointing James Graham, the 5th Earl of Montrose, as his military commander in Scotland. Montrose had been part of the abortive rebellion and was a former Covenanter himself who had joined the King in 1643. On 28 August 1644, Montrose raised the royal standard and embarked on a campaign against the Covenanter forces in the Highlands (Reid 2003).

Over the next two years, Montrose, with forces which changed constantly in size and composition, won a series of victories over the Covenanters under a number of different commanders, including: Tippermuir (1 September 1644), Aberdeen (13 September 1644), Inverlochy (2 February 1645), Auldearn (9 May 1645), Alford (2 July 1645) and Kilsyth (16 August 1645) and was elevated to 1st Marquis of Montrose by Charles as reward. However, he was defeated at Philiphaugh near Selkirk on 13 September 1645 by much superior Covenanter forces commanded by Lieutenant-General David Leslie. He endeavoured to carry on his campaign in the North-East, and also tried to threaten Glasgow, but lack of co-operation and poor relations between the leading Royalist commanders meant that they achieved little success and Montrose's campaign petered out in early May when his forces besieging Inverness were taken by surprise by Major-General Middleton's advance and fled without a fight. Although Huntly, another Royalist commander, stormed Aberdeen on 14 May, a few weeks later Charles, who had surrendered at Newark on 5 May, ordered his forces in Scotland to lay down their arms. Although Montrose was reluctant to do so, he finally disbanded his forces at Rattray on 30 July after agreeing terms with Middleton and then fled abroad (Reid 2003).

The general position of the battlefield is well established as the low lying ground beside the river to the south west of Selkirk called Philiphaugh. However, little work has been undertaken to pinpoint the location of the action and the bloody aftermath of the battle more precisely.

Primary sources make it clear that the Covenanters advanced towards the battlefield from the north-east, along the line of the main road crossing the Linglie Burn. The majority of this approach is now under housing, but the area of the Royalist overnight camp was almost certainly further to the west within the agricultural hinterland of Selkirk. Physical elements of this encampment may still survive.

The probable location of battlefield, immediately to the west of Philiphaugh Farm, survives as enclosed farmland. A group of isolated enclosures shown on Roy's mid 18th century map at Philiphaugh Farm may represent the hedges and dykes that the Royalists used for cover. There has been a lot of change in this part of the landscape with the construction of Philiphaugh House and parklands and any surface traces of the enclosures are no longer visible on the ground. However, linear features are present running across the haugh to the river. The purpose and date of these earthworks is unknown but it is possible that they represent the large ditch that acted as both cover and hindrance for the Royalists. There is high potential to locate the enclosures and the provenance of the linear features through archaeological fieldwork.

To the north-west of the battlefield is an area known as Slain Men's Lea, traditionally the site where the Irish soldiers and the camp followers were killed. Human remains were recorded at this location during the construction of a school in 1810. The potential for further burials to be located within the defined battlefield area is high due to the level of casualties; several hundred Royalists were reportedly killed during the battle and its aftermath.

Both primary and secondary sources suggest that the direction of the rout was to the north-west, terminating at Newark Castle. This short distance from the battlefield suggests that further burials may be located within the western half of the Inventory boundary.

The battle was fought across the narrow low lying tract of riverside land on the northern banks of the Ettrick Water, overlooked to the north by the Linglie hills and the river to the south. The majority of the plain appears to have been open land and meadow at the time of the battle, with only the lands surrounding Philiphaugh Farm enclosed. Although the landscape has been altered through field enclosure, light industry and the construction of sports grounds on the north-east, the overall character of the battlefield is largely intact and well preserved as open countryside.

The topography of the flat open plain was excellent ground for the Covenanter cavalry to attack Montrose's infantry deployed within the field enclosures. This landscape is very well preserved and the spatial relationship between the plain, the river to the south and the higher ground to the north and west remains clear. The route of the Royalist rout across the southern slopes of Harehead Hill north-west to Newark Castle can still be traced on the ground and key views from the battlefield to Ettrick Water to the south and Selkirk to the west survive intact.

Location

Various sources indicate that the battle was fought in Tividale but most sources describe the battle as at Philiphaugh. The primary sources make clear that Leslie's forces approached along the Tweed valley, then south-west up the Ettrick via Sunderland, where there was a skirmish the night before the battle. They then approached the battlefield from the north-east, along the line of the main road and crossing Linglie Burn (Brander & Macgregor, 1975). This implies a Covenanter approach along the north side of the Etterick and an attack from the north-east. Wishart wrote that Montrose's infantry camped in the wood, while Gordon is specific that it was the morning rendezvous that was on the haugh called Philipeshauch, i.e. on the low lying ground beside the river.

In 1897, Robson suggests that the action took place in the area of Lauriston Villa and the Cricket Field. He also locates some action in the area of the Covenanter memorial, which had been erected in 1848, presumably in the mistaken belief that this marked the main area of the action and the earthwork part of the defence thrown up by the Royalists. Leslie Cottage, near Beechwood and Thirladean, is also identified as lying within the action (Robson 1897). Such interpretations may derive from the Ballad of Philiphaugh, which says that the battle began at Philiphaugh but ended at Harehead Wood, 2 km to the west (Brander & Macgregor, 1975).

The presence of an isolated group of enclosures at Philiphaugh on Roy's map of the mid 18th century gives an approximate location for the action, which accords well with the traditional location for the battle recorded on Mitchell's map of Selkirkshire in 1851. The last stand of the Irish is said in some secondary accounts to have been at Philiphaugh Farm, though not in the primary accounts, while the camp followers (in some secondary accounts the Irish soldiers) are said to have been marched to Newark Castle and dispatched in the adjacent Slain Men's Lea. The latter is, however, almost 2 miles to the north-west along the Yarrow valley from Philiphaugh and, unless there was a long rout and pursuit to this location, which the primary accounts do not support, or it was the site of the Royalist camp or baggage train, it seems too great a distance from the main action.

Though the general area of the principal deployments seem clear from the enclosures on the Roy map, the detail of the deployments is far from certain. Reid suggests the Irish foot were deployed facing northward, but with the flank of the army on the Philhope Burn, and the cavalry covering the right flank between the river and the enclosures. It is difficult to match such a disposition within the detail of topography indicated by Roy. What is clear is that the Royalist foot were deployed in the centre in enclosures, that the cavalry were all on the right wing adjacent to the river and that there was no cavalry on the Royalist left wing. There appear two possible orientations for these deployments, one with the Royalist forces facing north, the other with them facing east. The latter seems more likely as it is easier to relate to the terrain from Roy, while it also makes more sensible the traditions of action, presumably the rout and pursuit, extending westward into the valley of the Yarrow to Harehead Wood and beyond to Newark Castle.

Terrain

Philiphaugh was a low lying tract of riverside land identified on the 1st Edition Ordnance Survey map, after which a farm or hamlet is named. It lies on the north-west side of the River Ettrick, a mile across the river from the town of Selkirk. A bridge took the Selkirk to Edinburgh road across the river. This is on a narrow plain between the river and the hills to the north, extending about 2 miles from the confluence with the Yarrow stream on the south-west to what was in the mid 18th century the site of the bridge, less than a mile to the north-east of the present bridge, where the Linglie hills extend right up to the river. In the 18th century, the main road from Edinburgh and the north approached along the Tweed valley and then, from Sunderland, along the Ettrick, crossing the river into Selkirk downstream of the present bridge (Taylor and Skinner, 1776).

In the mid 18th century, Roy shows a very narrow, fragmentary stretch of meadow beside the river. At that time, most of the plain was unenclosed field land, with open and apparently uncultivated ground on the slopes and hills to the north. In just one location, round an isolated farm immediately south-west of Philiphaugh Farm, there was a significant area of enclosed fields. These stretched almost the whole way across the plain from meadows on the south to the lower slopes of the hills to the north. There were no other enclosed fields in the surrounding area at that time and thus probably also not present in 1645; hence, these enclosures would seem to accord with the hedges used by the Royalists for their principal deployment.

Since the mid 18th century, a substantial area has been emparked in a newly created landscape park around the newly constructed Philiphaugh House. This involved extensive planting of trees in an area where no woodland previously existed. Some if not all of the mid 18th century enclosures have been removed or re-planned, and the major (and possibly the minor) road system has been realigned, most notably with the moving of the bridge over the Ettrick. The course of the river itself seems to have been significantly altered, as have the mill leats. This makes defining the accurate location of the enclosures shown by Roy very difficult.

Condition

There has been piecemeal development across the battlefield since the end of the 19th century, but the vast majority of the land still remains undeveloped, with intensive development restricted to the north-east side of the A707. It appears likely that the latter has only affected the area of Leslie's advance, rather than any part of the action. A late 18th or 19th century realignment of the mill leat, the modern fish farm and earthmoving associated with the construction of the sports ground have also caused damage, while Martin reports rubble being dumped on a field behind the site of the mill (Martin 1997). Depending on the exact location of the enclosures depicted by Roy, and the exact position of deployments, it may be that the leat, fish farm and houses have caused substantial if restricted damage in a critical area of the battlefield, where the cavalry action was focussed.

Newark Castle, which by tradition is associated with the battle, is both scheduled and listed and is the one building which pre-dates the battle. Bowhill, on the west side of the Yarrow and thus beyond the battlefield, is included on the Inventory of Historic Gardens and Designed Landscapes, but Philiphaugh Park, which encompasses part of the battlefield, is not on the Inventory. The River Ettrick itself, which forms the southern boundary of the battlefield, is a SSSI (Site of Special Scientific Interest), but although downstream small areas of floodplain are also included, none of the adjacent land is included in the designation in the area of the battlefield.

The majority of the area of the battle appears to have remained fairly undisturbed and the potential for surviving in-situ evidence associated with the battle is high. Metal detecting on the haugh and the adjacent higher ground has recovered quantities of lead bullets. The cavalry action may be expected to be represented by concentrations of pistol and carbine bullets, while the infantry versus dragoon/infantry should be marked by mainly musket balls. Where the cavalry were involved in the assaults on the infantry within the enclosures a mixture of all ammunition may be present.

There are no unequivocal archaeological remains from the battle. Human remains were recorded in 1810 during the construction of a school at Slain Men's Lea (on the western edge of the defined area), which were said to be the remains of some of Montrose's army.

A low linear earthwork was recorded within Philiphaugh Park on the Ordnance survey map of 1863. It consisted of a bank about 6 m wide with a parallel ditch along its west side, running from the bank of the Yarrow northward across the valley bottom. It has been tentatively identified by some as the earthwork thrown up by the Royalists prior to the battle. These earthworks were apparently far more extensive than those which survive today, but were largely levelled by ploughing in the mid 19th century (Robson 1897). Their identification as Royalist earthworks seems unlikely, not only because it is more than a mile from the Philiphaugh enclosures, but also because the earthwork formerly extended on the other side of the Yarrow.

Another antiquarian account states that in the late 19th century 'in a hollow piece of ground near Harehead Wood, in Leslie's Field '. a quantity of silver plate' was found. Silver coins of the period were also found in this period on a haugh of the Tinnis (Tinnis Farm lies upstream along the Yarrow) and other stray silver coins have been found within the defined area. The silver coins reported as having been found at Tinnis were apparently given to Sir Walter Scott.

A flintlock gun, said to be associated with the battle, was located in Philiphaugh House in the late 19th century. Today, artefacts from the battlefield are displayed in Haliwell House Museum, Selkirk.

The battle is not particularly well known today. There is one surviving ballad, the Philiphaugh Ballad which records the action on the battlefield and may date to pre-1700. There is on-site interpretation at the western end of the battlefield, provided by the Estate, and a monument commemorating the Covenanters within the parkland.

The battlefield is surrounded by place-names associated with the action, including Battlepark Plantation, General's Haugh and Montrose Plantation, though these are likely to be relatively modern as the majority relate to plantations rather than more durable landscape features; the exception to this is the longstanding place-name Slain Men's Lea, which traditionally marks the location of a massacre of prisoners after the battle.

Commemoration & Interpretation

The monument commemorating the Covenanters who fought at Philiphaugh is a stone-cobbled cairn, which is over 6 m high and 16 m around the base. It stands close to Harehead Wood (NT 4399 2779), on an earthwork which some have associated with the battle, but this feature appears much earlier than the combat. Associated with it are two 13th century moulded bases, parts of a 17th century tombstone, and an armorial panel bearing the arms of Sir John Murray, who erected the monument in 1848 (1st Ed OS 1863; NMRS: NT42NE3 & NT42NW 22).

Elliot, W. F. 1906 The Trustworthiness of Border Ballads. William Blackwood, Edinburgh.

Reid, S. 1990 The Campaigns of Montrose: a military history of the Civil War in Scotland 1639 to 1646. Mercat Press, Edinburgh.

Information on Sources & Publication

There are a good series of primary accounts of the battle, representing both sides of the conflict, and providing significant topographical detail. Of these, Campbell provides only a list of prisoners taken. Wishart, whose account is reprinted in Robson, was Montrose's chaplain; he was present at the battle and thus his is likely to be a reliable account in many respects. However, he provides very little topographical detail with which to locate the action. Gordon (sometimes described as Ruthven) provides another detailed account of the action from a Royalist perspective. The so-called Haddington report provides a detailed official Covenanter account, while Thompson gives troop numbers but little detail of the action. The Ballad of Philiphaugh is used by various authors to provide detail that is missing from the other accounts, but it must be treated with care as it must have been compiled long after 1650, and grossly distorts the troop numbers while various other details such as the references to Dunbar and Solway Moss are clearly in error (Brander & Macgregor, 1975).

Primary Sources

Thomson, W 1832 Atlas of Scotland.

Mitchel, R 1851 Map of the County of Selkirk and District of Melrose.

Crawford, A 1843 Map embracing extensive portions of the Counties of Roxburgh, Berwick, Selkirk & Midlothian and Part of Northumberland.

1747-55 mapping by Roy, Map 07/3c; British Library.

Ballad of Philiphaugh: in Brander, M. & Macgregor, J. 1975 Scottish and Border Battles and Ballads. London: Seeley, 1975.

Campbell, A. 1645 A dispatch announcing the defeat of the Scottish rebels at Philiphaugh. Signed by Lords Argyle, Crawfurd and others. Robert Bostock, London.

Gordon, P. & Dunn, J. 1844 A Short Abridgement of Britane's Distemper: from the yeare of God MDCXXXIX to MDCXLIX. Spalding Club, Aberdeen.

Thompson, W. 1645 Montrosse totally routed at Tividale in Scotland on Saturday last, by Lieutenant Generall Lesly: where were taken and kill'd two thousand foot, eight hundred horse, and nine knights; and all the Kings papers and writings sent to Montrosse are taken. Sent to a member of the Honorable House of Commons, and appointed to be forthwith printed. Printed for Edward Husband, printer to the Honorable House of Commons, London.

Haddington report: Williams, H. & Balsome, R. 1645 A More Perfect and Particular Relation of the Late Great Victorie in Scotland obtained over Montrosse and the Rebels there: by the forces under the command of Lieutenant-Generall David Lesley, certified by an expresse the 16. of this instant from Hadington. Together with a list of the chiefe men of note taken prisoners and kild in the battell, and after in the pursuit. To which is likewise added a letter written from Master Balsame minister at Berwick, and dated the 17. of Septemb. 1645. to a minister in London concerning the said victory. Robert Bostock, London.

Cartographic & Illustrative Sources

No further information.

Secondary Sources

Black, C. S. 1936 Scottish Battles. Brown, Son & Ferguson, Glasgow.

Brander, M. & Macgregor, J. 1975 Scottish and Border Battles and Ballads. Seeley, London.

Martin, D. E. 1997 Historic Scotland.

Reid, S. 1990 The Campaigns of Montrose: a military history of the Civil War in Scotland 1639 to 1646. Mercat Press, Edinburgh.

Robson, J. 1897 Border Battles and Battlefields. J.& J.H. Rutherford, Kelso.

Wishart, G. 1720 A Complete History of the Wars in Scotland; under the conduct of the illustrious James Marquis of Montrose. London.